Monday, March 15, 2021

Dark Ages of Malankara Church History

 


Introduction

This chapter is named ‘Dark Ages’ because we have only a few historical proofs of the Malankara church from the 12th to the end of the 15th centuries. In this chapter we shall mention the arrival of the Nestorian bishops and the Portuguese invasion under the leadership of Vasco de Gama as the main events between the 12th and the 16th centuries. Together with this, we mention the Buchanan Bible kept in the Cambridge University Archives, the arrival of Nestorian Bishops, birth of the Roman Catholic Church, the separation of the church which was undivided for centuries and the Hierarchical Jurisdiction of the Malankara Church up to the Diamper Synod.

4.1. Hierarchical Relationship before Nestorian Period

Here we narrate the history of the Malankara Church before the Nestorian period and under whose Hierarchical Jurisdiction the Church of Malankara was.

4.1.1. Indian bishop at the Jacobite Syrian Synod

After the death of Mor Yuhanon of Sroog,[1] Mor Gabriel son of Yoohanon, an Indian bishop participated in a synod. We understand this from the Church history of Bar Hebraeus. When he talks about the ordination of the 57th Catholicose, he mentions the following:

After the death of Mor Yuhanon of Sroog, some ascetics and leaders from Mor Mathai monastery and the important people of the Ninevites and the Tigrits of Mosul and some bishops assembled together. The bishops were the following: Ignatius from the city of Urmia in Azerbaijan, once Gabriel the son of Yuhanon from India; Yuhanon the bishop of the Arabs, once Ravad Markia and Saliba, bishop of the monastery, and Basil of Bagdad, once Mathew son of Schujak from lower Beth-Daniel;[2] 

The presence of the Indian bishop, Mor Gabriel in this synod is a solid evidence of the relation of Malankara Church with Patriarchate of Antioch. Because if a bishop wants to be participated in a synod conducted under the Hierarchical Jurisdiction of Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, the bishop must be Jacobite one and not a Roman Catholic or Nestorian. From this we can understand that, at the end of 12th century Malankara church was neither Nestorian nor Roman Catholic but a church under the Hierarchical Jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antioch.

4.1.2. Manuscript Evidences of Buchanan Bible

In the Cambridge University there is a manuscript[3] which throws light into the history of the Malankara church.[4] This is a manuscript of the Bible used in Malankara before the Nestorian period. This was presented to Buchanan by the bishop of the Syrian church in 1807.[5] Let us try to examine the antiquity and content of this manuscript and also try to see with whose faith the manuscript is in tune with. More exactly, let us try to see under whose Hierarchical Jurisdiction the church of Malankara was at that time.

4.1.2.1 Content of the Manuscript

Let us try to understand, with whose faith the Bible was similar to.

(a) Latin is the official language of the Roman Catholic Church.[6] If the church of Malabar were under the Pope of Rome at that time, the Bible would have been in Latin; which means the church of Malabar, at that time was not under the Hierarchy of the Pope of Rome.[7]

(b)With the only reference that the Buchanan bible was written in the period of Michael, Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch,[8] we can comprehend that the Church of Malankara shared the faith of the church of the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch. Since the Buchanan bible is written in the period of Michael Patriarch of Antioch and its language is Estranghela Syriac we understand that this Bible was never similar to the Catholic faith. This bible must be either that of the Nestorian faith or that of the Jacobite faith of the Antiochean Patriarchate. Let us try to see to whom it belongs.

The New Testament of the Buchanan Bible is divided into further sections of rubrics. In every rubric there is the mention of how it is to be read. Without any exception these rubrics agree with that of the Church of the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch. Some of the references are given below.

(a) In the Buchanan Bible, there are more than a dozen rubrics for divine services on days specially set apart for the commemoration of St. Mary. These rubrics make mention of her not as St. Mary or Mother of Christ as a Nestorian would do, but as ‘Mother of God’- a title never given to her by the Nestorians. The rubrics heading the lessons beginning with ‘St. Mathew’ Chapter XII. Verse 38, ‘St. Mark’ Chapter III verse 31, ‘St. Luke’ Chapter VIII. Verse 16, are instances in point.[9]

(b) According to the practice in vogue among the Nestorians, the celebration of the Eucharist is forbidden on Saturdays in Lent. But to the Jacobites the celebration of the Eucharist on Saturdays in Lent is compulsory. This manuscript Bible conforms to the Jacobite Practice.[10]

(c) Among the Nestorians, Friday is a sacred day. They view it in the light of a second Sunday. Friday ‘throughout the year, has as regularly its own name and office as Sunday; and the festivals of greatest saints are fixed in regular course on Fridays. They prefer Friday to any other day (excepting Sunday) for the celebration of the Eucharist. In their calendar, Fridays have an important place. Many of the movable festivals are so adjusted that they fall on Fridays. Hence it is natural that the Nestorian Bible should have special rubrics for Fridays. But the Bible given to Dr. Buchanan contains no rubric whatever for the Nestorian Friday festivals.[11]

(d) An instance may be pointed out in the 28th verse of the 20th Chapter of the ‘Acts of the Apostles’, where the Nestorian Bible has the words “to feed the Church of Christ”, instead of “the Church of God” which the manuscript contains. And the rubric heading the lesson beginning with the 10th verse of the 3rd Chapter of the 2nd Epistle of St. Paul to Timothy runs thus: - For the Eucharist on the day of the commemoration of Mor Severius, Patriarch of Antioch- that Patriarch who was Jacobite in the full sense and who consolidated the Jacobite community and regulated their rituals and worship.[12]

Archbishop Mor Ivanious says about this Buchanan Bible:

These evidences conclusively prove that the manuscript is Jacobite, and not Nestorian. If it is Jacobite, then, we may very well infer from it that the Church of Malabar, which was using it in its divine services, could not have been anything but Jacobite in its creed.[13]

From the above we can understand that the Buchanan bible was not in accordance to the Nestorian faith but according to the faith of the church of the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch.

4.1.2.2. Age of Manuscript

About the antiquity of the Buchanan Bible almost all the Historians have a unanimous opinion. It is believed that it has been brought to Malankara before the 16th century. But some historians do not agree with it. They argue that it might be in the 17th century.[14] Let us check the age of the manuscript.

(a) When the Buchanan Bible was gifted to Buchanan by the Syrian Bishop, he mentioned, “This has been with us for the last thousand years.”[15] But the Bishop could not say the exact century. Moreover he may not have known the exact century or year. He might have guessed it. When Buchanan was presented the Buchanan Bible, the Bishop was 78 years old.[16] Had the Buchanan Bible been brought by somebody in the 17th century, the Bishop could have known the exact date, because he was born in the beginning of the 18th century. But he only referred to the thousand years.[17] E.M. Philip clarifies about this topic. He says:

The Syrian Bishop who presented it to Dr. Buchanan was seventy- eight years old at the time he parted with it. Hence his birth must have been in 1729, i.e., just sixty-four years after the arrival of the first of the aforesaid Jacobite bishops. And yet this Grand Old Metropolitan was not only quite ignorant of the exact date of its importation, but even claimed that it was preserved in the mountains of Malabar for nearly a thousand years. The library of the present Syrian (Jacobite) Metropolitan of Malabar contains a manuscript copy of the New Testament brought by the Patriarch’s Delegate in 1665. The sacerdotal vestments and sacramental cups used by some of the early Delegates of the Patriarch of Antioch are still preserved. If the ‘Buchanan Bible’ was brought to Malabar by any of the delegates of the Jacobite Patriarch in or after 1665, the fact could not have been a secret. If this manuscript Bible is a purely Jacobite Bible, as we hope to prove, and if it could not have been brought into the country after 1665, it must have been in the possession of the Church of Malabar long before 1490 and 1665. As a matter of fact, this Bible was preserved and used from the twelfth century in the church at Angamali, which was the seat of the Syrian bishops till Episcopal residence was removed by the Portuguese to Cranganore.[18]

In the book of Hugh Pearson there is a reference that the Malabar Christians were under the Patriarch of Antioch and it throws light into the antiquity of the Bible too. This reference is given below. He narrates:

‘But how’, said the old priest, ' shall we know that your standard copy is a true translation of our bible? We cannot depart from our own bible. It is the true book of God, without corruption; that book which was first used by the Christians at Antioch. What translations you have got in the west we know not; but the true bible of Antioch we have had in the mountains of Malabar for fourteen hundred years, or longer. Some of our copies are from ancient times; so old and decayed, that they can scarcely be preserved much longer.' I rejoiced when I heard this.[19]

So we can understand that the Buchanan bible had been brought before the 17th century.

 We have seen whose Bible was given to Buchanan. This was not of Nestorians but according to the Jacobite Syrian Faith. Since there was Nestorian dominion over the Church of Malankara in the 16th century they did not bring this to Malankara, but they might have had a translation of this bible to suit their faith. E.M. Philip says about this:

It is worth while to mention that the Vatican Library contains a New Testament said to have been translated into Syriac at Cranganore by the Nestorian Bishop Mor Jacob on Wednesday the 6th of March 1510. Both the Church of Babylon and the Church of Malabar had the Bible authoritatively translated into Syriac long ago, and it was not necessary for attempting a new translation; and it is not shown that Mor Jacob was a Greek scholar to undertake such an arduous task. This alleged translation may, therefore, be taken to be a rewriting or revision of the existing New Testament which in the reviser’s opinion did not suit a Nestorian Church as it was full of rubrics conforming to the Jacobite calendar and lectionary. And it must have been these revised copies in which Archbishop Menezis detected a few deviations in readings, supposed to have been intentionally made to support Nestorian teachings-deviations not met within the manuscript presented to Dr. Buchanan.[20]

Gregory a famous theologian as well as historian gives a clear narration about the researches of Buchanan about the study regarding the manuscript among the Syrian Christians of Malankara and the religious identity of the Syrian Christians of Malankara. He says:

Dr. Buchanan especially, who in 1806 visited the Syrian churches, amounting to 119, in Malayala, was informed by the inhabitants that no European had, to their knowledge, visited the place before. Their liturgy is derived from that of the early church of Antioch. They affirm too, that their version of the Scriptures was copied from that used by the primitive Christians at Antioch, and brought to India before or about the council of Nice, A.D. 325, at which council some ecclesiastical historians inform us Joannes, bishop of India, attended.[21]

According to above made discussions and narrations we can conclude that the Buchanan Bible had been brought to Malankara between the 13th and 16th centuries. If the Malankara Church was under the Nestorian Patriarch of Babylon, they might have brought to Malabar only the manuscripts in accordance with their faith. So we can categorically conclude that the Malankara church was neither Nestorian nor under the influence of Nestorianism.

4.2. Nestorian Period

We have already seen in the previous chapters that there was no Nestorian faith in India before the 15th century. E. M. Philip describes the situation in which the Nestorian faith had been established in Malankara. He says:

The palmy days of the Jacobites ended in the thirteenth century. Weak and powerless persons began to occupy the Patriarchal throne of Antioch. A new generation of selfish and worldly minded bishops succeeded the old divines. ‘Luxury crept equally into the palace of the Bishop and into the cave of the monk’. Internal struggles weakened the Church at home. The distant Diocese of Malabar was not cared for. The clergy and the laity became spiritually degenerate. As the result of all this, the Malabar Church was deprived of any regular succession of Bishops, and parishes were widowed. Many of the churches fell into decay. This state of affairs induced the Church of Malabar to apply for bishops to the various Patriarchal Sees of the East. But no reply was received. At last, the Syrian community of Malabar sent a deputation of three faithful members of their Church to obtain a bishop from one of the ancient Sees. The deputation started in 1490. One of the members died on the way. The survivors, Joseph and George, were conducted to the Nestorian Patriarch Mar Simon, to whom they communicated their errand.[22]

After having established the Nestorian faith in Malabar the Nestorian bishops tried to impose their faith over there. But let us try to see whether there was Nestorian faith in India.

4.2.1. Did the Malankara Christians accept Nestorian Faith?

Did the Malankara Church accept the Nestorian faith when it was established in the beginning of the 16th century? Even though a detailed discussion over this is given in the section on the Diamper Synod, it is better to give some references of historians here.

A man named Joseph went over to Europe in one of the ships of Capt. Cabral in 1501 and he has given an account of the Syrian Christians to some people in Venice and they have published a book called ‘Voyages of Joseph the Indian’. That book describes a conversation with Pope Alexander and Joseph. Let us see that dialogue:

Pope Alexander asked Joseph from where this Catholica had the authority for making Bishops in the countries of the East. The latter answered him that St. Peter too had been Bishop in Antioch. Around that time there arouse a great discord in Rome caused by Simon the Magus, whose name has left for himself a reputation. Then Peter was called to Rome put Simon to shame and to help the incriminated Christians. Before Peter went from Antioch to Rome he installed in his precisely the same who rules in the Eastern regions, and bears the name of Catholica. He is elected to the high office by the twelve cardinals in Armenia. [23]

Daniel says that about this topic, “..‘Voyages of Joseph the Indian’, wherein it is stated to Antiochean Patriarch….Malankara people who were Orthodox Syrians could not understand the difference between Nestorian bishops and Orthodox bishops. So they received the Nestorian bishops who came in 1490, as their own bishops.”[24]

Syrian Catholic says that, “from the information obtained by persons who spoke to Joseph, a book was published, which gives a description of the Malabar Christians, but no mention is made of any heresy.”[25]

Mackenzie, in his article on Christianity in Travancore, in the official State Manual, after discussing the contention that the St. Thomas Christians before the arrival of the Portuguese were not Nestorian heretics. [26]

So here we can clearly understand that the Malankara church, at that time, before the arrival of the Nestorians had a strong Hierarchical relationship with the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch.[27]Even though the Malankara church was under the control of Nestorian bishops, Nestorian faith was not accepted by the Malankara Church.

4.3. Arrival of Roman Catholic Missionaries

The origin and expansion of the mission of the Roman Catholic Church in Malankara happened with the advent of the Portuguese. Some sporadic visits of some western missionaries can be traced back to the 14th century or late 13th century, the origin and growth of the Roman Catholic church in India. The first Roman Catholic missionary who is known to have visited India was John of Monte Corvino.[28] On his way to China in 1291 he landed in India.[29] In the two letters he wrote form China in 1305 and 1306, he says not a word on the Nestorianism of the Christians of India but merely mentions that ‘the people persecute much the Christians and all who bear the Christian name.[30]

According to the historian, Joohanon Marthoma who was the head of the Marthoma Syrian Church, it was only with the Diamper Synod that the Malankara Christians accepted the dominance of the Pope of Rome.[31]

Conder says:

The Syrian Christians formerly enjoyed political ascendancy in Malabar. When Vasco de Gama reached India in 1503, he was shown the sceptre of the last Christian king of Malayala. The Portuguese missionaries were surprised to find upwards of a hundred Christian churches on the coast of Malabar. When they acquired sufficient power to light the fires of persecution, they compelled the native Christians on the sea-coast to acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope; but the churches- in the interior refused to yield to Rome, and, under the protection of the native princes, maintained their ecclesiastical independence.[32]

Seeley says: “The Syrian churches of Malabar, who until the arrival of the Portuguese on their coasts, had never even heard of the Pope, but derived their orders from Antioch.”[33]

4.4. Portuguese Invasion

The first Portuguese encounter with India was on May 20, 1498 when Vasco da Gama landed in Calicut (Kozhikode) in the present-day Indian state of Kerala.[34]

 Alexander Marthoma says that “At this time the Portuguese were powerful in the eastern areas and had control of the sea routes. The Pope wanted to use this opportunity to bring the Church in Malabar under the supremacy of Rome”.[35]

 Buchanan and others narrate about the advent of the Portuguese under the leadership of Vasco de Gama in the Malabar Coast. Many of the eminent historians of the 19th and 20th centuries agree with this.[36] Buchanan and others say:

"These Churches,'' said the Portuguese, "belong” to the Pope." “Who is the Pope," said the natives,” we have never heard of him." The European priests were yet more alarmed, when they found that these Hindoo Christians maintained the order and discipline of a regular Church under Episcopal Jurisdiction: and that, for 1300 years past, they had enjoyed a succession of Bishops appointed by the Patriarch of Antioch. “We,'' said they, are of the true faith, whatever” you from the West may be; for we come from the place where the followers of Christ were first called Christians.”[37]

It is clear from this conversation that the Syrian Christians of the Malankara Church intimated to the Portuguese that for a long time their Bishops and spiritual leaders were appointed by the Patriarch of Antioch. These evidences show that even while the Malankara Syrian Church was actually under the Nestorian Patriarch of Chaldea, the Patriarch of Antioch was, in accordance with their traditions, mentioned as the supreme head of their Church.[38]

The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt writes about the Indian church at that time:

It is difficult to decide, from the imperfect and prejudiced accounts of the early Portuguese, to what rite these Christians belonged at this period, or whether they belonged to more rites than one. Varthema’s notice of them is very brief, and what he does say would apply equally either to the Syrian Jacobite or to the Nestorian community,[39]

I. Daniel clarifies about this topic: “Ludovico says that the priests use leavened bread for Eucharist, thereby showing that they were not Roman Catholics.”[40]

L.W. Stone says:

After another thousand years, these Christians in India were visited by the Portuguese, who tried to make them become Romanists. But they hid their books, and fled away into the mountains.[41]

Peschier says:

The earliest maritime people of Europe, the Portuguese, founded there, in the 16th century, a powerful dominion: they discovered, in the mountains of the Ghauts, and on the coast of Malabar, a double race of Jews, and the ancient and which has been traced to the preaching of the Apostle Thomas, and which, without doubt, at least originated from that at Antioch, the language of which it has preserved in its sacred books and worship. These docile Christians were constrained to submit to the laws imposed upon them from Rome.[42]

Webb says:

The truth is, that on the arrival of the Portuguese on the Malabar coast, they found, near to Goa, a Christian people, who claimed to be descended from a church established there by the Apostle Thomas. Their religious books were in the Syriac tongue, through they also spoke the language of the country. They acknowledged the Church authority of the Patriarch of Antioch, but refused all reverence for the Pope or his claims.[43]

Swanston says:

These deputies presented to Vasco De Gama, on his first visit to Cochin, A.D. 1502, a gilt baton of wood, the ends of which were adorned with silver and surmounted with three hand-bells. ‘It was’, they said, ‘the sceptre of their kings who had reigned over them, the last of whom had died at an epoch not much antecedent to the arrival of the Portuguese.’ They informed Vasco de Gama that they had received the Gospel from Saint Thomas ; that they lived in spiritual submission to the patriarch of Antioch; and that their bishops derived their authority from him.[44]

White says:

There is here supposed to be evidence of the following facts: that when the Portuguese, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, sailed round the Cape of Good Hope to the coast of Malabar, they found on it the body of Christians in question; that they were in entire ignorance of there being in Rome an ecclesiastic, who claimed jurisdiction over the Christian world; and that they professed to have derived their faith from Persia, wherein the disciples of Christ were first called Christians, and to have retained their faith for the space of thirteen hundred years.[45]

According to the proofs and statements of historians we can explicitly assert that the Church of Malankara was not fully accepted Nestorian Faith. Moreover these proofs show that even while the Malankara Church was actually under the Nestorian dominion, the Antiochean Patriarch was, in accordance with their traditions, mentioned as the supreme head of their Church. 

4.5. Diamper Synod

The Synod solemnly began on the third Sunday after Pentecost, 20 June, 1599.[46] The Roman Catholic historian Mundadan gives us a narration about the Diamper Synod and the topics discussed in it.

The first day was taken up with the Pontifical Mass and initial ceremonies. On the second day was the profession of faith. On the third day the sacraments of Baptism and Confirmation were taken up and the following day, the Eucharist, the Sacrifice of the Mass, the correction of the Missal and the sacraments of penance and Extreme Unction. On the feast of St. John the Baptist, with doors closed and no Portuguese other than officials inside, questions of faith were taken up. Simony, Holy Orders and Matrimony were the subjects for the following day. On the seventh day the whole territory of the Diocese of Angamali was divided into parishes. On the eighth and the last day, June 26, questions mainly of a secular character came up, such as heredity, dress, caste distinction, etc. There followed the signing of the decrees and the Synod was closed with a solemn procession.[47]

With the Diamper Synod the Roman Catholics could establish dominance over Malankara Syrian Christians. Philipose gives an account of the atrocities that the Portuguese committed against the Malabar Christians,

When the Syrian Church was in this state, the Portuguese not only persecuted and killed all the bishops as they came from Antioch, but their Metran Dom Pre Aleskes de Menesis, residing at Goa, came to the Malayalim country in 1598, and, having visited all the Syrian Churches, he bribed the petty princes then ruling the country, and some Syrians, in order to gain them over to his interest. And those Syrians who opposed his designs were persecuted and put to death. So, by main force he assembled all the Syrians in the church at Odyamperoor (Diamper), and persuaded them to embrace Popery, besides burning all Syriac bibles and many other Syriac books. Then all the married priests were separated from their wives.[48]

Frykenberg says:

The Portuguese, initially welcomed as allies, had aroused resentment when their Estado do India tried to impose Catholic hegemony at the Synod of Udayamperur (Diamper) in 1599. The Archbishop of Goa, Alexius de Menezes, had cast aside Syrian institutions and burned Syrian libraries.[49]

From the opinion of the above mentioned historians we can conclude that Roman Catholic Church was imposing its faith on the Malankara Church. A historian named Cahpin explain about the faith followed by the Malankara Church until the arrival of the Portuguese and about the atrocities of the Portuguese against the Malankara Church to bring them under the Roman Catholic faith.

Chapin says:

The Syrian Christians enjoyed a succession of bishops, appointed by the patriarch of Antioch, from the beginning of the 3d century till they were invaded by the Portuguese. They still retain the Liturgy, anciently used in the churches of Syria, and employ in their public worship the language, spoken by our Saviour in the streets of Jerusalem. The first notices of this people in modern times are found in the Portuguese histories. In 1503, there were upwards of 100 Christian churches on the coast of Malabar. As soon as the Portuguese were able, they compelled the churches nearest the coast to acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope; and, in 1599, they burnt all the Syriac and Chaldaic books and records on which they could lay their hands.[50]

4.5.1. Diamper Synod Canons

Before Diamper Synod it was the Nestorians who ruled over the Malankara Church. But now let us try to see whether the church of Malabar was with the Nestorians or with the Jacobite faith by analysing the Canons of the Diamper Synod.

4.5.1.1. Action III (Decree IX, XIV)

In this section we see the rejection of those whom the Syrian Christians considered to be saints and making them heretics by the Diampor Synod.[51] Among the saints repudiated by Archbishop Menezis as Nestorian heretics were Zaca, (Bishop Nicholas, commemorated by the Jacobite Syrians on 6th December[52]) Raban Sapor (or Mor Abhai, commemorated by the Jacobite Syrians on 1st October.[53]), Asaya (Commemorated by the Jacobite Syrians on 15th October[54]), Abda (Commemorated by the Jacobite Syrians on 3rd June), Aaron Buchatixo (commemorated by Jacobite Syrians on the first Monday after Whitsunday[55]), Raban Theodorus, Abraham, Daniel, Abbot Zinai and Bishop Isaha who are all commemorated in every Eucharist.[56] John Sarighto, who had to suffer persecutions for his adherence to Jacobite tenets, is also mentioned as one of the saints venerated in the Malankara Church.[57]

Archbishop Mor Ivanious clarifies about this topic:

None of these Fathers (Above mentioned) are commemorated by the Nestorians; the Nestorian calendar does not mention their names. If the Church of Malabar had always been Nestorian, it is impossible to explain how it had come to venerate non- Nestorian Saints. This can be explained by the fact that the Church of Malabar was Jacobite until the fifteenth century, when she became Nestorian.[58]

4.5.1.2. Action VII (Decree XVI)

The Decree XVI of Action VII describes the practice of priests of Syrian Christians. Though there was a practice of remarriage among the priests after the death of the first wife, some where reluctant to continue their priestly ministry after their remarriage.[59] According to the Nestorian principles the priests were permitted to remarry.[60] But the regulations of the Antiochean Patriarchate did not permit remarriage.[61] The Roman Catholic writer Osorius says that among St.Thomas Christians, “The priests marry; yet the first wife being dead they cannot marry again”.[62]

4.5.1.3. Action V (Decree III)

The decree III of Action V describes about the celebration of Holy Mass in the Malankara Church. This has been rejected by Menesis. He describes it as follows. “In the Masses of this Bishopric there is an impious sac- religious ceremony, which is, the priest after having dipped that part of the host, after his having divided it, which he holds in his right hand, and has made the sign of the Cross upon the other part, that is upon the patin, opening this latter part, that is upon the patin with the nail of his right thumb to the end, according to their opinion that the blood(wine) may penetrate the body (bread) that so the blood and body may be joined together.”[63] This is not a Nestorian Practice. Let us analyse the Nestorian practice.

 (a) With the fraction kept in the right hand the Nestorian Priest makes the sign of the cross over the blood. On the contrary the Malankara Syrian Christians do so with the fraction of right hand over the fraction of the pattern.[64]

 (b) In the case of the Nestorian priest, the third fraction of the bread is dipped in the wine whereas for the Malankara Syrian Christians the second fraction is used to make the sign of the cross.[65]

 (c)The Nestorians first cross the wine and then dip the bread into it, whereas the Syrians first dip a piece of the bread into the wine and then cross the other half of the bread.[66]

About this practice Archbishop Mor Ivanious says:

These differences between the practices of the two Churches are easily noticed. They indicate that the practice of the Church of Malabar was not in accordance with the Nestorian liturgy. What liturgy, then, did the Church of Malabar follow? Comparing the practice of the Church of Malabar with the corresponding practice described in all the Syro-Jacobite liturgies, we find that the former is identical with the latter. This peculiarly Jacobite practice was introduced into all the Jacobite liturgies by Mar Jacob, Professor of Theology in the Jacobite liturgies in the Academy at Edessa and afterwards Bishop of that City (A.D. 684-708). The fact that this was the practice of the Church of Malabar before the sixteenth century shows that the liturgy used by them must have been one of the Syro-Jacobite liturgies. This proves that the Church of Malabar was Jacobite and not Nestorian.[67]

Before the Diampor Synod the Syrian Christians of Malankara were using a Thaksa (liturgical book) under the name of Diodorus but the Nestorians never had such a one. Let us analyse the testimony of two historians in this respect.

E.M. Philip says:

The so-called Liturgy of Diodorus which existed in Malabar was, therefore, non-Nestorian. The Jacobites have a very large number of liturgies in use among them, ascribed to various saints of their Church. Some say the number of recognised liturgies is ninety-six. They are all offshoots of the Liturgy of St. James and are drawn up on the same model. Among the saints venerated in the Jacobite Church and remembered in their prayers is one Raban Theodorus, who is also believed to have been the author of a liturgy, though it is not in use at present. If, as we have shown above, the Nestorians had no liturgy ascribed to Diodorus, the one that prevailed in Malabar was probably that of Raban Thoedorus a Jacobite saint.[68]

Archbishop Mor Ivanious says:

The Nestorians have no liturgy bearing this name. Their only liturgies are those of Nestorians. Theodore the Interpreter, the Apostles (Adaens and Mares), Narses the Leper and Barsumas. The fact that this non-Nestorian liturgy was used in Malabar proves that, before the establishment of Nestorianism and the consequent introduction of Nestorian liturgies into Malabar in the fifteenth century, the Syrian Church was not Nestorian.[69]

Neal states that before the 16th century the Syrian Christians sung the non Nestorian Trisagion, the one accepted by the Jacobite Church under the Patriarch of Antioch.[70] With the support of the above mentioned facts and arguments and the opinions of the historians we can conclude that the Roman Catholic faith came to Malankara with the coming of the Portuguese. Though the Nestorian bishops who came in A.D. 1490 had already tried to take control of the Malankara Church, the Malankara Christians did not accept Nestorianism fully.  

4.5.2. Letter of Itty Thomman Cattanar

A document which proves that the Syrian Christians of Kerala where under the Patriarch of Antioch before the 16th Century can be seen in an old Manuscript Chronicle of Edavazhikal Philipose Cattanar. This was written by Anjilimoottil Itty Thommen Cattanar to Kadavil Chandy Cattanar who entered the Roman Catholic Church later. That letter is outlined below:

To my dear brother Kadavil Chandy Cattanar, Malankarai (the See of Malabar). Our Sacraments having been from early times conducted by prelates coming there from, the Padres of Sampalur (the Jesuit Missionaries) resolved that we should no longer have them. As soon as we took the oath at Mattanchery (the Coonan Cross), some laymen said that differences and dissensions might arise among us. Then I broke a (walking) stick (into two) and said that the Portuguese and ourselves would never unite, unless and until the two pieces of the broken stick be united. You, my brother, then remarked ‘What Itty Thommen Achen (Cattanar) has uttered is a prophecy that cannot fail. ‘My little finger now desires to touch that tongue of my brother which uttered these words. Remember that the agreement all of us made to the Metran (Bishop) is not yet cancelled. To the effect, written by Itty Thommen Cattanar. From the Church at Chungam (Signed)[71]

From this letter we can understand that, Itty Thomman Cattanar writes to a former colleague that the Church was under the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch and Bishops were sent from that quarter.

Another document which proves that the Syrian Christians of Kerala where under the Patriarch of Antioch before the 16th Century can be seen in an old Manuscript Chronicle of Edavazhikal Philipose Cattanar. A General Epistle dated February 5, 1668 and sent by Mar Gregorius, Jacobite Bishop of Jerusalem, in the churches of Parur, Mulanthuruthy and Kandanad, three of the chief churches in Malankara. Throughout this ‘Epistle’, he speaks of the Church of Malanakra as having been Jacobite formerly.[72] 

4.6. Opinion of Different Famous Historians

Many historians between the 18th century and first half of the 19th century very strongly and explicitly affirm that there was a very strong relationship between the Malankara Church and Antiochean Patriarchate before the 16th century. Now let us try to see some of the references.

Conner says: “Antioch supplied an uninterrupted succession of bishops, who governed in spiritual concerns, till the arrival of the Portuguese in 1498.”[73]

Trevor says:

The only churches which survived to the period of European observation were found on the coast of Malabar, where they still exist under the appellation of Syrian. They appear to have been planted in the fourth century, and probably by Thomas, a monk from that country, whose name has been confounded with that of the apostle. These churches continued for many centuries under the ecclesiastical rule of the Patriarchs of Antioch.[74]

Yeats says:

Panteneus and certain others, citizens of Alexandria, were called into India; and in subsequent years some Armenian merchants, and some bishops sent thither from Antioch, propagated the Christian Religion in these countries, until the Portuguese…[75]

Former Calcutta Bishop Middleton says:

The disciples were called Christians first at Antioch and that a branch of the church of Antioch has subsisted for centuries, under every discouragement, amidst the mountains of Malabar.[76]

In 1827, Missionary Herald wrote:

Previous to the arrival of the Portuguese on the Malabar Coast, about the middle of the 16th century, this ancient church had been governed, during 1300 years, according to their own history, by bishops from Antioch.[77]

Le Bas says:

The Christians of St. Thomas, though evidently Indian themselves in origin, as in complexion and language, (which is the Malayalim,) have received their orders, with their liturgies and ecclesiastical traditions, from the more ancient parent church in Syria.[78] 

Sinclair quotes:

As the believers in Malabar have been indebted to Antioch for their bishops, so the faithful in Abyssinia have depended on the Patriarch of Alexandria; and in both countries it is asserted that this intercourse between the parent Church and her offspring has never been so long discontinued as to deprive either of Episcopal superintendence.[79]

Wallace Says:

At what precise period the Syrian Christians came to Malabar is uncertain, but when Vasco de Gama arrived in 1503, they had above one hundred churches and a Christian king; and for thirteen hundred years preceding they enjoyed a succession of bishops appointed by the Patriarch of Antioch.[80]

Swartz says:

The correctness of this tradition, notwithstanding some remarkable corroborations of its truth, has been generally-doubted. Certain, however, it is, from authentic ecclesiastical records, that a Christian church, Episcopal in its constitution, and deriving a succession of bishops from the patriarchs of Babylon[81] and Antioch, has existed on the coast, from Cape Comorin to Crangainore, and in the interior of Malabar, more than fifteen hundred years.[82]

Hack says:

When the Portuguese arrived in India, towards the close of the fifteenth century, they were surprised to find upwards of a hundred Christian churches on the coast of Malabar. These churches had, for one thousand three hundred years, been governed by bishops appointed by the Patriarch of Antioch.[83]

Faber says:

The ancient Syrian Church of Malabar, secluded for many centuries from the rest of the Christian world, and deriving her line of succession from Antioch itself, affords an illustrious proof of at least the high and undoubted antiquity of bishops as a distinct order from presbyters.[84]

Heber says:

You are aware that the intercourse of these Churches with the Patriarchs of Antioch, had, for many years back, been interrupted, partly by the violent measures pursued by the Portuguese, and the intrigues of the Missionaries sent out by the Propagandists, and still more by the poverty of the Christians of Travancore, which disabled them from sending messengers so far.[85]

Brun says:

They trace their origin to the apostle of this name, who, according to them, visited their country; but it is more probable that the founder of their church was another Thomas, who landed on this coast in the fifth century. They acknowledge the Patriarch of Antioch as their early head. They are called sometimes the Syrian Christians.[86]

Buchanan says:

Christians maintained the order and discipline of a regular church under Episcopal jurisdiction; and that for thirteen hundred year pad, they had enjoyed a succession of bishops appointed by the patriarchate of Antioch. …[87] I attended divine service on the Sunday. Their liturgy is that which was formerly used in the churches of the Patriarch of Antioch..[88]

Robinson says:

The Jacobites of the Church of Alexandria had a true ordination and succession, from Dioscorus down to Benjamin, as other Jacobite Prelates of the Church of Antioch had a legitimate succession from Severius, the lawful Bishop of that See. Therefore some of those Jacobites who have come into Malabar have true ordination.[89]

Shoberi says:

On the Malabar coast, especially in the territory of Travancore, there are still many Jacobites. They are commonly called Syrian Christians, partly because they use in their liturgy the ancient Syrian language, which is no longer spoken by the people, and partly because the original seat of their church was in Syria. The Jacobites pride themselves, if not on their Christianity, at least on the antiquity of their church, as the first Christian church in India. They are not to be persuaded that Bar-Thomas, a Syrian, was their apostle: but they derive their origin from the disciple of Jesus of the same name.[90]

Cornwallis says:

The Portuguese under Vasco de Gama first arrived at Cochin on the coast of Malabar in 1503, they found a Christian king reigning over a nation of Hindu Christians who had maintained the order and discipline of a regular church under the succession of bishops appointed by the Patriarch of Antioch.[91]

Danish Missionaries says:

The Syrian Christians enjoyed a succession of bishops appointed by the Patriarch of Antioch, from the third century till they were invaded by the Portuguese.[92]

Morse says:

The Syrian Christians, who inhabit the interior of Travancore and Malabar, in the south of Hindoostan. They were established in that country at no distant period after the ascension of the Redeemer; and, for many centuries, knew no worshippers of the true God but themselves, and the Christians of Antioch. When the Portuguese established their power on the Malabar coast, 1503, they attempted with a part. The rest are to this day, what their churches always have been, Episcopal in their form of government. For 1300 years past they have enjoyed a succession of bishops, appointed by the Patriarch of Antioch.[93] 

Allen says:

And on the coast of Malabar, which when visited by European adventures in the sixteenth century had been cut off from the rest of Christendom for thousand years, Christian churches were discovered, and still subsist, dependent on the mother churches of Alexandria and Antioch, which retain episcopacy, a liturgy, and general outline of government, resembling our own.[94]

In 1821, the Head of Syrian Orthodox Church Punnathara Mar Dionysius says:

We, who are called Syrian-Jacobites, and reside in the land of Malabar, even from the times of Mar Thomas, the holy apostle, until the wall of Cochin was taken in the reign of king Purgis, kept the true faith according to the manner of the Syrian Jacobites, of real glory, without division or confusion. But, by the power of the Franks, our Jacobite- Syrian fathers and leaders were prohibited from coming from Antioch : and, because we had no leader and head, we were like sheep without a shepherd ; or, like orphans and widows, oppressed in Spirit, without support or help. By the power and dominion of the Franks, moreover, and by the abundance of their wealth, and the exertions of their leaders, all our Syrian churches in Malabar were subdued, and turned to the faith of the pope of Rome.[95]

Conclusion

We have seen in this chapter a manuscript that a Syrian Bishop gifted to Buchanan. It was prevalent among the Syrian Christians. At present this MS is kept in Cambridge University Library. We have also seen that when the representative of the Pope of Rome visited for the first time he could not see Roman Catholic faith here. It was with the advent of the Portuguese that the Roman Catholic faith started flourishing. The Nestorian Episcopal dominance was established over the Syrian Christians in the begining of the16th century, their dominance did not get fully accepted but on the contrary the people remained in the ancient Jacobite faith. The same thing was seen when the decree of the Diamper Synod was analysed. This chapter can be summarised in the following points.

(a)               The faith of the Malankara Church, before the beginning of the Nestorian dominance in the 16th century, was completely Jacobite and the Malankara Church was under the Hierarchical Jurisdiction of the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch.

(b)              Though the Nestorian faith came to Malankara in 1490 A.D. the Malankara church was not Nestorian in faith. The Malabar Christians had no knowledge about the Nestorian heresy.

(c)               The roots of the Pope of Rome had been extended to the Malankara church with the advent of the Portuguese.



[1] He was the 57th Catholicose of Jacobite Syrian Church

[2] GREGORRII BARHEBRAEI, Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, JOANNES BAPTISTA ABBELOOS and THOMAS JOSEPHUS LAMY, Tomus III, Paris, 1877. p.378-379.

[3] CUL, MS Oo.1.1,2.

[4] WILLIAM WRIGHT, A Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge, STAMLEY ARTHUR COOK (Ed.), Vol.II, University Press, Cambridge, 1901. p.1038-1043.

[5] CLAUDIUS BUCHANAN, Christian Researches in Asia: With Notices of the Translation of the Scriptures into the Oriental Languages, 10th Edn., T. Cadell & W. Davies, London, 1814. p.138-140.

[6] HALLIFIELD COSGAYNE L’DONNOGHUE, The Church or Rome: A View of the Peculiar Doctrines; Religious Worship, Ecclesiastical Polity and Ceremonial Observations of the Roman Catholic Church, Logman, London, 1830. p. 145-148.

[7] NICHOLAS WISEMAN, Lectures on the Doctrines and Practices of the Roman Catholic Church, J.S. Hodson, London, 1836. p. 151.

[8] WILLIAM WRIGHT, A Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge,  p.1043.

[9] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 55-56.

[10] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St.Thomas, p. 119.

[11] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 56-57.

[12] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St.Thomas, p. 119.

[13] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 58.

[14] GEORGE MILNE RAE, The Syrian Church in India, William Blackburn and Sons, Edinburg, 1892. p.268-270.

[15] CLAUDIUS BUCHANAN, Christian Researches in Asia: With Notices of the Translation of the Scriptures into the Oriental Languages, 10th Edn., T. Cadell & W. Davies, London, 1814. p.140.

[16] CLAUDIUS BUCHANAN, Christian Researches in Asia: ,London, 1814. p. 135.

[17] CLAUDIUS BUCHANAN, Christian Researches in Asia: , London, 1814. p. 140.

[18] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p. 117-118.

[19] HUGH PEARSON, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Rev. Claudius Buchanan, 4th Edn., R.B. Seeley and W.Burnside, London, 1834. p.244; J W ETHERIDGE, The Syrian Churches: Their Early History, Liturgies, and Literature, London, 1846. p. 166.

[20] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p. 119-120.

[21] OLINTHUS GREGORY, ‘Genuineness and Authenticity of the Scriptures’, Letters to a friend, on the Evidences, Doctrines and Duties of the Christian Religion,5th Edn., London, 1829. p.136.

[22] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p. 88-89.

[23] ANTONY VALLAVANTHARA, Indian in 1500 A.D. The Narratives of Joseph the Indian, Research Institute for Studies in History, Mannanam, 1984. p.233.

[24] I. DANIEL, The Syrian Church of Malabar, ICHC, p. 404

[25] A SYRIAN CATHOLIC, A Synopsis of the history of the Syrian Church in Malabar, ICHC, p. 267.

[26] GORDON THOMASON MACKENZIE, ‘Christianity in Travancore’, Travancore State Manual, Vol.II, Trivandrum, 1906. p.60.

[27] ROBERT GRENVILLE WALLACE, Fifteen Years in India; Or, Sketches of a Soldier's Life: Being an attempt to describe persons and things in various parts of Hindustan, 2nd Ed., From the Journal of an officer in his Majesty’s Service, London, 1823.  p. 209-210.

[28] GORDON THOMASON MACKENZIE, Christianity in Travancore, ICHC, p. 114.

[29] RENE GROUSSET, The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia, Rutgers University Press, New Jersey,  1988. p.313.

[30] JOSEPH C. PANJIKARAN, The Syrian Church in Malabar, ICHC, p. 283.

[31] JOOHANON MAR THOMA, Christianity in India and the Mar Thom Syrian Church, ICHC, p. 413-416.

[32] JOSIAH CONDER, An analytical and comparative view of all religions, Section IV, Jackson and Walford. London, 1838. p.77.

[33] ROBERT BENTON SEELEY, Essays on Romanism, by the author of Essays on the Church, R.B. Seeley and W. Burnside, London, 1839. p. 145.

[34] MAHOMED KASIM FERISHTA, History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India till the year A.D. 1612. Translated by JOHN BRIGGS, Vol.II, Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, London, 1829. p. 503.

[35] ALEXANDER MAR THOMA, The Marthoma Church, Heritage and Mission, Thiruvalla,1986, Reprinted by GEORGE MENACHERY, The Nazranies ,The Indian Church History Classics,Vol.1, SARAS, Trissur,1998. p. 564.

[36] JOHN WARNER BARBER, An account of the Most Important and Interesting Religious events, L.H. Young, New Haven, 1834. p. 269; THOMAS BURGESS, Tracts on the origin and Independence of the Ancient British Church on the Supremacy of the Pope and the Inconsistency of all foreign jurisdiction with the British constitution and on the differences between the churches of England and of Rome, 2nd Edn., F.C. and J. Rivington, London, 1815. p.316; G.T. CHAPMAN, Sermons upon the Ministry, Worship, and Doctrines of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Second Ed., Chauncey Goodrich, Burlington, 1832. p.94; HANNAH ADAMS, A Dictionary of all Religions and Religious Denominations, James Eastburn and company, Boston, 1817. p.283; JOHN BELLAMY, The History of All Religions, First American Edition, Boston, 1820. p. 174; MARY CORNWALLIS, The Acts, Chapter VI, Observations, Critical, Explanatory and Practical on the Canonical Scriptures, Vol. III, London, 1817. p.211; GEORGE WASHING DOANE, The Remains of the Rev. Charles Wharton, D.D. with a Memoir of his life, Vol. II, Philadelphia, 1834.p.370; ANDREW KIPPIS, Syrian Christians in India, The New Annual Register, Or General Repository of History, Politics, and Literature For the year 1811, John stockdale, London, 1812. p.185; DAVID RAMSAY, Universal History Americanised, Vol.1,M. Carey & Son, Philadelphia, 1819. p.170; MICHAEL RUSSELL, History of the Church in Scotland, Vol.I, The Theological Library, Vol. IX, London, 1834. p. 57; LEICESTER STANHOPE, Sketch of the History and Influence of the Press in British India, London, 1823. p.152; COLONEL LEICESTER STANHOPE, Greece, in 1823 and 1824 being a Series of Letters, New Ed., Sherwood Gilbert and Piper, London, 1825. p.152; C.H. WHARTON, A concise view of the principal points of controversy between the Protestant and Roman Churches, David Longworth,New York, 1817. p.48; WILLIAM WHITE, Lectures on the catechism of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Bradfor and Inskeep, Philadelphia, 1813. p.423; BENJAMIN ALLEN, History of the Church of Christ, Vol.II, E.Bacon, Philadelphia, 1824. p. 475; ROBERT GRENVILLE WALLACE, Fifteen Years in India; Or, Sketches of a Soldier's Life, 2nd Ed., London, 1823.  p. 209-210.

[37] CLAUDIUS BUCHANAN, ‘Two Discourses preached before the university of Cambridge on commencement Sunday July 1.1810, and A Sermon preached before the society for Missions to Africa and the East, at their tenth anniversary, July 12, 1810.’ To which are added Christian Researches, in Asia, Samuel T. Armstrong, Boston, 1811. p. 148.

[38] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p.84.

[39] LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, and Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508. Translated from the original Italian Edn. Of 1510 by JOHN  WINTER JONES, Ed. GEORGE PERCY BADGER, The Hakluyt Society, London, 1863. p.181.

[40] I. DANIEL, The Syrian Church of Malabar, ICHC, p. 404

[41] LETITIA WILLGOSS STONE, EARNEST SILVANUS APPLEYARD, The World in Which I live and My place in it, Being A Universal History for young persons from the creation to the Present time, Rev. JOHN H. BROOME, New Edn., Wertheim and Macintosh, London, 1857. p. 107.

[42] P. PESCHIER, ‘Missions to India’, The Asiatic Journal for March, 1825, Original communications, AJ, Vol. XIX, January to June, Kingsbury, Parbury &Allen, 1825, London. p. 230.

[43]  MARIA WEBB, The Fells of Swarthmoor Hall and their Friends, Alfred W. Bennett, London, 1865. p.185.

[44] CHARLES SWANSTON, ‘A Memoir of the Primitive Church of Malayala, or of the Syrian Christians of the Apostle Thomas, from its first rise to the present time.’ Artcle XVI, Chapter 1, JRAS, Vol., John W. Parker, London, 1834. p. 180.

[45] WILLIAM WHITE, Lectures on the Catechism of the Protestant Episcopal Church with Supplementary Lectures; one on the Ministry, The other on the Publick Service and Dissertations on select subjects in the Lectures, Philadelphia, 1813. p.423.

[46] ADRIAN HASTINGS, The Church in Africa, Oxford history of the Christian Churches, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1996. p.155.

[47] A MATHIAS MUNDADAN, ‘The Invalidity of the Synod of Diamper’, History and Beyond, Jeevas Publications, Aluva, 1997.  p.137.

[48] E.PHILIPOS, The Syrian Christians of Malabar, Translated G.B. HOWARD, London, 1869. Cited in ALEXANDER JAMES DONALD D’ORSEY, Portuguese discoveries dependencies and missions in Asia and Africa, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1998. p.230.

 

[49] ROBERT ERIC FRYKENBERG, ‘Christian Missions and the Raj’, Mission and Empire, NORMAN ETHERINGTON (Ed.),  Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005. p. 122.

[50] WALTER CHAPIN, The Missionary Gazetteer, p. 344.

[51] MICHAEL GEDDES, The History of Malabar Church, p.146-167.

[52] KONATTU MATHEN COR-EPISCOPA, The Prayer book of the Malankara Jacobite Syrian Orthodox Church, First Edn. 1910, Seminary publications, 2002. p.379.

[53] KONATTU MATHEN, The Prayer book of the Malankara Jacobite Syrian Orthodox Church, p. 379.

[54] KONATTU MATHEN, The Prayer book of the Malankara Jacobite Syrian Orthodox Church, p. 379.

[55] KONATTU MATHEN, The Prayer book of the Malankara Jacobite Syrian Orthodox Church. p.377.

[56] GEORGE BROADLEY HOWARD, The Christians of Thomas and Their Liturgies, John Henry and Parker, London, 1864. p. 353-354.

[57] JOHN MANSON NEALE, A History of the Holy Eastern Church, Part1, General Introduction, London, 1850. p. 328-329.

[58] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 71.

[59] MICHAEL GEDDES, The History of Malabar Church, p. 306.

[60] Badger says: “It is lawful for all priests and deacons among the Nestorians to marry after having been admitted to holy orders as well as before. They may also marry a second or third time, being widowers, as they shall judge the same to serve better to godliness”. Cfr. GEORGE PERCY BADGER, Nestorians and Rituals, Vol.2, London, 1852. p. 178.

[61] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p. 123.

[62] THOMAS WHITEHOSE, Lingerings of Light in a Dark Land: Being Researches into the Past History and Present Condition of the Syrian Church of Malabar (Kessinger Publishing, 2008), London, 1873. p. 85 Cited in E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p.123.

[63] JAMES HOUGH, Christianity in India from the commencement of the Christian Era, Vol.II, R.B. Seeley, London, 1839. p.591.

[64] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p.122.

[65] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 65.

[66] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p. 122.

[67] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 65-66.

[68] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p. 121.

[69] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 66-67

[70] JOHN MANSON NEALE, A History of the Holy Eastern Church, Part1, General Introduction, London, 1850. p. 368.

[71] E.M.PHILIP, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, p. 137.

[72] P.T. GHEEVARGHESE, Suriyani Kristhiyanikal Nestoriar ayirunno, p. 87.

[73] LIEUTENANT CONNER, ‘Extract from the Memoir of the Survey of Travancore’, JLS, No.2 January, Vol.1, J.C. MORRIS (Ed.), Madras, 1834. p.74.

[74] GEORGE TREVOR, India an Historical Sketch, The Religious Tract Society, London, 1799. p.304-305.

[75] THOMAS YEATS, ‘Account of the Thomist Christians, from the Reports of the Danish Missionaries’,  Indian Church History, A Maxwell, London, 1818. p.148-149.

[76] THOMAS FANSHAW MIDDLETON, Sermons and Charges, Ed. HENRY KAYE BONNEY, London, 1824. p.190.

[77] SAMUEL T. ARMSTRONG (Pub.)‘Troubles Among the Syrian Christians’, COTYM, May, The Missionary Herald, Vol. XXIII, May, No.5, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Boston, 1827. p.158, 159.

[78] CHARLES WEBB LE BAS, The Life of the R.R. Thomas Fanshaw Middleton, Vol. II, London, 1831. p.420.

[79] JOHN SINCLAIR, ‘Dissertations vindicating the Church of England, with regard to some essential points of Polity and Doctrine’, BTRE, Article-XI, Vol XIII, No. XXVI, J.G.&F. Rivington, London, 1833. p. 470-471.

[80] ROBERT GRENVILLE WALLACE, Fifteen years in India or, Sketches of a soldiers life, 2nd Ed., London, 1823. p.209-210; Memoirs of India, Note.6, London, 1824. p. 392.

[81] Here the mention might be about the bishops who were sent here by the Nestorian Patriarch for the first time. There is no historical proof for the governance of the Nestorian bishops in India before 1490 A.D.

[82] CHRISTIAN FREDERICK SWARTZ, History of Christianity in India, Hugh Pearson,New York 1835. p.6-7.

[83] MARIA HACK, Familiar Illustrations of the Principle Evidences and design of Christianity, London, 1824. p.192.

[84] GEORGE STANLEY FABER, A Dissertation on the Prophecies, that have been fulfilled are now fulfilling or will hereafter be fulfilled relative to the great period of 1260 years, Vol.III F.C. and J Rivington, London, 1818. p. 371.

[85] REGINALD HEBER, Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of India, 2nd Ed., Vol.III, London, 1828. p. 447.

[86] M. MALTE BRUN, Native Christians of St.Thomas, Universal Geography, Vol.II, Philadelphia, 1827. p.204.

[87] CLAUDIUS BUCHANAN, ‘Memoir of the Expediency of an Ecclesiastical Establishment for British India ; both as the Means of perpetuating the Christian Religion among our own Countrymen, and as a Foundation for the ultimate Civilization of the Natives’, The British Critic, March, Vol. XXVII, Cadell and Co. 1805, F.C. &J. Rivington, London, 1806. p. 226.

[88] CLAUDIUS BUCHANAN, The Works of the Rev. Claudius Buchanan, L.L.D., With the notes of Richard Hall Kerr (Ranuiel, a Syrian church, Nov. 12th, 1806.), Neal and Wills, Baltimore, 1812. p.75.

[89] THOMAS ROBINSON, The Last Days of Bishop Heber, Madras, Reprinted for the Author, Robert Jennings and William Chaplin, London, 1830. p.306.

[90] FREDERIC SHOBERI, ‘The Syrian Christians’, Present State of Christianity and of the Missionary Establishments for its Propagation in all parts of the world, J.J. Harper, New York, 1828. p.103.

[91] MARY CORNWALLIS, Observations, critical, Explanatory and Practical on the Canonical scriptures, Vol.3, London, 1817. p. 211.

[92] SAMUEL T ARMSTRONG (Pub.), ‘The Syrian Christians: Evangelical Exertions in Asia’. The Panoplist and Missionary Magazine united, No.12, May 1812, Vol.IV, Danish Missionaries, New Series, Boston, 1812. p. 544.

[93] JEDIDIAH MORSE, The American Universal Geography or a view of the Present state of all the Kingdoms, States and Colonies in the known world, 7th Edn., Vol.1, Charlestown, 1819. p. 78-79.

[94] SAMUEL JAMES ALLEN,  Lectures in Defence of the church of England, As a National and a Spiritual Institution, Delivered at St. Peter’s Church, Blackburn, During Lent, MDCCCXXXIII, and Before the University of Cambridge, in January MDCCCXXXIV, London, 1834. p. 280-281.

[95] MAR DIONYSIUS, ‘Letter of the Syrian Metropolitan to the Society’, CJLR, February 1823, Vol. VII, No.2, T&J Swords, Vol.II, New York, 1823. p. 44.

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